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83. TO EVERY JAPANESE

I must confess at the outset that, though I have no ill-will against you, I

intensely dislike your attack upon China. From your lofty height you have

descended to imperial ambition. You will fail to realize that ambition and may

become the authors of the dismemberment of Asia, thus unwittingly preventing

world federation and brotherhood without which there can be no hope for

humanity.

Ever since I was a lad of eighteen studying in London over fifty years ago, I

learnt, through the writings of the late Sir Edwin Arnold, to prize the many

excellent qualities of your nation. I was thrilled when in South Africa I learnt of

your brilliant victory over Russian arms. After my return to India from South

Africa in 1915, I came in close touch with Japanese monks who lived as

members of our Ashram from time to time. One of them became a valuable

member of the Ashram in Sevagram, and his application to duty, his dignified

bearing, his unfailing devotion to daily worship, affability, unruffledness under

varying circumstances, and his natural smile which was positive evidence of his

inner peace had endeared him to all of us. And now that owing to your

declaration of war against Great Britain he has been taken away from us, we

miss him as a dear coworker. He has left behind him as a memory his daily

prayer and his little drum, to the accompaniment of which we open our

morning and evening prayers.

In the background of these pleasant recollections I grieve deeply as I

contemplate what appears to me to be your unprovoked attack against China

and, if reports are to be believed, your merciless devastation of that great and

ancient land.

It was a worthy ambition of yours to take equal rank with the Great Powers of

the world. Your aggression against China and your alliance with the Axis Powers

was surely an unwarranted excess of that ambition.

I should have thought that you would be proud of the fact that that great and

ancient people, whose old classical literature you have adopted as your own,

are your neighbours. Your understanding of one another's history, tradition,

literature should bind you as friends rather than make you the enemies you are

today.

If I was a free man, and if you allowed me to come to your country, frail though

I am, I would not mind risking my health, may be my life, to come to your

country to plead with you to desist from the wrong you are doing to China and

the world and therefore to yourself.

But I enjoy no such freedom. And we are in the unique position of having to

resist imperialism that we detest no less than yours and Nazism. Our resistance

to it does not mean harm to the British people. We seek to convert them. Ours

is an unarmed revolt against British rule. An important party in the country is

engaged in a deadly but friendly quarrel with the foreign rulers.

But in this they need no aid from foreign Powers. You have been gravely

misinformed, as I know you are, that we have chosen this particular moment to

embarrass the Allies when your attack against India is imminent. If we wanted

to turn Britain's difficulty into our opportunity we should have done it as soon

as the war broke out nearly three years ago.

Our movement demanding the withdrawal of the British Power from India

should in no way be misunderstood. In fact, if we are to believe your reported

anxiety for the independence of India, a recognition of that independence by

Britain should leave you no excuse for any attack on India. Moreover, the

reported profession sorts ill with your ruthless aggression against China.

I would ask you to make no mistake about the fact that you will be sadly

disillusioned if you believe that you will receive a willing welcome from India.

The end and aim of the movement for British withdrawal is to prepare India, by

making her free for resisting all militarist and imperialist ambition, whether it

is called British Imperialism, German Nazism, or your pattern. If we do not, we

shall have been ignoble spectators of the militarization of the world in spite of

your belief that in non-violence we have the only solvent of the militarist spirit

and ambition. Personally I fear that without declaring the independence of

India the Allied Powers will not be able to beat the Axis combination which has

raised violence to the dignity of a religion. The Allies cannot beat you and your

partners unless they beat you in your ruthless and skilled warfare. If they copy

it their declaration that they will save the world for democracy and individual

freedom must come to naught. I feel that they can only gain strength to avoid

copying your ruthlessness by declaring and recognizing now the freedom of

India, and turning sullen India's forced cooperation into freed India's voluntary

co-operation.

To Britain and the Allies we have appealed in the name of justice, in proof of

their professions, and in their own self-interest. To you I appeal in the name of

humanity. It is a marvel to me that you do not see that ruthless warfare is

nobody's monopoly. If not the Allies some other Power will certainly improve

upon your method and beat you with your own weapon. Even if you win you will

leave no legacy to your people of which they would feel proud. They cannot

take pride in a recital of cruel deeds however skillfully achieved.

Even if you win it will not prove that you were in the right, it will only prove

that your power of destruction was greater. This applies obviously to the Allies

too, unless they perform now the just and righteous act of freeing India as an

earnest and promise of similarly freeing all other subject peoples in Asia and

Africa.

Our appeal to Britain is coupled with the offer of Free India's willingness to let

the Allies retain their troops in India. The offer is made in order to prove that

we do not in any way mean to harm the Allied cause, and in order to prevent

you from being misled into feeling that you have but to step into the country

that Britain has vacated. Needless to repeat that if you cherish any such idea

and will carry it out, we will not fail in resisting you with all the might that our

country can muster. I address this appeal to you in the hope that our movement

may even influence you and your partners in the right direction and deflect you

and them from the course which is bound to end in your moral ruin and the

reduction of human beings to robots.

The hope of your response to my appeal is much fainter than that of response

from Britain. I know that the British are not devoid of a sense of justice and

they know me. I do not know you enough to be able to judge. All I have read

tells me that you listen to no appeal but to the sword. How I wish that you are

cruelly misrepresented and that I shall touch the right chord in your heart! Any

way I have an undying faith in the responsiveness of human nature. On the

strength of that faith I have conceived the impending movement in India, and it

is that faith which has prompted this appeal to you.

Sevagram, I am,

18-7-1942 Your friend and well-wisher,

M. K. GANDHI

Harijan, 26-7-1942

Selected Letters of Mahatma Gandhi

 

83. TO EVERY JAPANESE

I must confess at the outset that, though I have no ill-will against you, I

intensely dislike your attack upon China. From your lofty height you have

descended to imperial ambition. You will fail to realize that ambition and may

become the authors of the dismemberment of Asia, thus unwittingly preventing

world federation and brotherhood without which there can be no hope for

humanity.

Ever since I was a lad of eighteen studying in London over fifty years ago, I

learnt, through the writings of the late Sir Edwin Arnold, to prize the many

excellent qualities of your nation. I was thrilled when in South Africa I learnt of

your brilliant victory over Russian arms. After my return to India from South

Africa in 1915, I came in close touch with Japanese monks who lived as

members of our Ashram from time to time. One of them became a valuable

member of the Ashram in Sevagram, and his application to duty, his dignified

bearing, his unfailing devotion to daily worship, affability, unruffledness under

varying circumstances, and his natural smile which was positive evidence of his

inner peace had endeared him to all of us. And now that owing to your

declaration of war against Great Britain he has been taken away from us, we

miss him as a dear coworker. He has left behind him as a memory his daily

prayer and his little drum, to the accompaniment of which we open our

morning and evening prayers.

In the background of these pleasant recollections I grieve deeply as I

contemplate what appears to me to be your unprovoked attack against China

and, if reports are to be believed, your merciless devastation of that great and

ancient land.

It was a worthy ambition of yours to take equal rank with the Great Powers of

the world. Your aggression against China and your alliance with the Axis Powers

was surely an unwarranted excess of that ambition.

I should have thought that you would be proud of the fact that that great and

ancient people, whose old classical literature you have adopted as your own,

are your neighbours. Your understanding of one another's history, tradition,

literature should bind you as friends rather than make you the enemies you are

today.

If I was a free man, and if you allowed me to come to your country, frail though

I am, I would not mind risking my health, may be my life, to come to your

country to plead with you to desist from the wrong you are doing to China and

the world and therefore to yourself.

But I enjoy no such freedom. And we are in the unique position of having to

resist imperialism that we detest no less than yours and Nazism. Our resistance

to it does not mean harm to the British people. We seek to convert them. Ours

is an unarmed revolt against British rule. An important party in the country is

engaged in a deadly but friendly quarrel with the foreign rulers.

But in this they need no aid from foreign Powers. You have been gravely

misinformed, as I know you are, that we have chosen this particular moment to

embarrass the Allies when your attack against India is imminent. If we wanted

to turn Britain's difficulty into our opportunity we should have done it as soon

as the war broke out nearly three years ago.

Our movement demanding the withdrawal of the British Power from India

should in no way be misunderstood. In fact, if we are to believe your reported

anxiety for the independence of India, a recognition of that independence by

Britain should leave you no excuse for any attack on India. Moreover, the

reported profession sorts ill with your ruthless aggression against China.

I would ask you to make no mistake about the fact that you will be sadly

disillusioned if you believe that you will receive a willing welcome from India.

The end and aim of the movement for British withdrawal is to prepare India, by

making her free for resisting all militarist and imperialist ambition, whether it

is called British Imperialism, German Nazism, or your pattern. If we do not, we

shall have been ignoble spectators of the militarization of the world in spite of

your belief that in non-violence we have the only solvent of the militarist spirit

and ambition. Personally I fear that without declaring the independence of

India the Allied Powers will not be able to beat the Axis combination which has

raised violence to the dignity of a religion. The Allies cannot beat you and your

partners unless they beat you in your ruthless and skilled warfare. If they copy

it their declaration that they will save the world for democracy and individual

freedom must come to naught. I feel that they can only gain strength to avoid

copying your ruthlessness by declaring and recognizing now the freedom of

India, and turning sullen India's forced cooperation into freed India's voluntary

co-operation.

To Britain and the Allies we have appealed in the name of justice, in proof of

their professions, and in their own self-interest. To you I appeal in the name of

humanity. It is a marvel to me that you do not see that ruthless warfare is

nobody's monopoly. If not the Allies some other Power will certainly improve

upon your method and beat you with your own weapon. Even if you win you will

leave no legacy to your people of which they would feel proud. They cannot

take pride in a recital of cruel deeds however skillfully achieved.

Even if you win it will not prove that you were in the right, it will only prove

that your power of destruction was greater. This applies obviously to the Allies

too, unless they perform now the just and righteous act of freeing India as an

earnest and promise of similarly freeing all other subject peoples in Asia and

Africa.

Our appeal to Britain is coupled with the offer of Free India's willingness to let

the Allies retain their troops in India. The offer is made in order to prove that

we do not in any way mean to harm the Allied cause, and in order to prevent

you from being misled into feeling that you have but to step into the country

that Britain has vacated. Needless to repeat that if you cherish any such idea

and will carry it out, we will not fail in resisting you with all the might that our

country can muster. I address this appeal to you in the hope that our movement

may even influence you and your partners in the right direction and deflect you

and them from the course which is bound to end in your moral ruin and the

reduction of human beings to robots.

The hope of your response to my appeal is much fainter than that of response

from Britain. I know that the British are not devoid of a sense of justice and

they know me. I do not know you enough to be able to judge. All I have read

tells me that you listen to no appeal but to the sword. How I wish that you are

cruelly misrepresented and that I shall touch the right chord in your heart! Any

way I have an undying faith in the responsiveness of human nature. On the

strength of that faith I have conceived the impending movement in India, and it

is that faith which has prompted this appeal to you.

Sevagram, I am,

18-7-1942 Your friend and well-wisher,

M. K. GANDHI

Harijan, 26-7-1942